The npd is on everyone’s lips, but hardly anyone knows its program. But it would be very instructive to read it very carefully
Reading party programs is never a pleasure. Entertainment and knowledge value are generally low, the writing style rather dry. The program of the npd makes it even more difficult for the reader. Because not only the paragraphs hang one after the other without transition. Even the sentences that follow each other within a paragraph often lack coherence. Some of the phrases are grammatically bumpy. The author visibly tries to use high level language without mastering it. Sometimes the reader has to guess in order to follow his thoughts. In between there are the usual party phrases, which stop the reader until he realizes that they do not make sense.
However, the cramped political correctness has a certain entertainment value. Right-wing expression has to be learned. The world wide web is called "weltnetz" by the npd, the frg and the gdr are called "occupation constructions". Less entertaining is the flirting with terms of nazi ideology such as "volksgemeinschaft".
Also the term "central germany" for the new federal states is not to be understood by the npd as a historical term. The npd makes no secret of the fact that they would like to regain the territories lost after the war. The only thing more delicately packaged is the threat to go to the utmost for it. Consistently it wants to insist on a "regulation serving peace in the long run. In other words: if the territories are not returned, it means war.
In the npd program, the devil is in the details. You will look in vain for expressions of racism or misogyny in it. Nevertheless they stand there. The npd has learned to communicate the contents of its program without taking an unambiguous stand. For example, it has an extremely conservative idea of gender roles within the family. The family as the "smallest community within our nation" and the "living link of ancestral traditions" deserves the special demand of the state. The npd does not stop at the private life of parents. It rejects "any community endangering "self-realization" and the unbridled egoism" that goes along with it.
However, she apparently sees this "unbridled egoistic self-realization" only in professional women. For the women who remain in the household, the npd promises a housewife and mother’s salary, under the pretext that they cannot be expected to work auberhauslich in the family in addition to their job. However, a counterpart in the form of a "househusband and father salary" is only available to single fathers. Because in the family picture of the npd no professional women or in the household working men appear. In line with her idiosyncratic understanding of equality, she also demands that "men and women should be treated equally in working life, taking into account the performance principle. If the npd really demands, as it writes elsewhere, a women’s policy that grants women full equality, it would be superfluous to make equality in working life dependent on the principle of achievement.
There are many such contradictions in the program. The npd is committed to fundamental rights, but repeatedly makes demands on hypocritical grounds that are incompatible with them. This is calculated: a voter who does not see through this game will be exchanged in this way. Convinced right-wing extremists, on the other hand, are given the excuse right away in the program.
The rule of the people presupposes the community of the people."
Threatened with a party ban, the npd is trying to give itself a democratic image. Like almost all small parties, it demands more democracy in the form of referendums and direct election of officials, up to and including the federal president. This demand is popular among the population: about 70 percent of german citizens want more political say. However, the npd’s model has a catch: "the people’s rule presupposes the people’s community."
The npd flirts bluntly with a basic concept of nazi ideology, which sounds like the others, but means bad things. The national socialists called the people a "people’s community," from which they excluded dissenters and "non-aryans. It goes without saying that it contradicts democratic principles if a party can determine who is a citizen entitled to vote and who is not.
Such an approach does not seem to contradict the npd’s understanding of democracy. In order to establish the "volksgemeinschaft", it plans a similar gradual exclusion of foreigners, as the national socialists did with the jews. It is no coincidence that this is the only npd project that can be described as a complete package. Germans are to be given preference in the allocation of jobs, regardless of their qualifications. At the same time, foreigners are no longer entitled to social benefits. Social impoverishment is programmed. The next step is to "facilitate their return to their home countries," ostensibly to give them the opportunity to "preserve their cultural and national identity.".
Reminded of the darkest chapters of german history, the reader wonders whether the npd will stick to its role models in black uniforms when foreigners reject the offer to return to their homeland. Officially, the npd vehemently denies ideological closeness to national socialism. But there are many treacherous formulations in their program. In its family policy, for example, it ties in with the national socialists’ biologistic and racist concept of the "healthy national body" when it declares the family to be the "bearer of the biological heritage" and demands that child benefits no longer be paid to foreigners.
In the section on education policy, npd opposes equal educational opportunities, arguing that people are inherently different in achievement and aptitude. She refers to alleged scientific results, which she does not quote. However, anyone who has heard speeches by npd grobs will know that this is an aged study from the us that has proven that us burgers of color are said to have, on average, a much lower intelligence quotient than females. "Natural inequality" is thus synonymous with "race" for the npd. Of course, npd disregards studies that show americans of color have fewer educational opportunities in the first place. The were contrary to their aim to establish a racist education system in germany. In doing so, she is not rhetorically clumsy, avoiding the catchy word "race" through the alleged "natural inequality" and concluding again at the end of the section on education policy with the usual guarantee of fundamental rights: although people are unequal by nature, they are equal before the law and in the inviolability of their being.
Rehabilitation of national socialism
It is also inappropriate for a supposedly democratic party that the npd tries to rehabilitate national socialism. Historians rightly ignore the historical slander called "revisionism" in their circles, which goes as far as holocaust denial. Historical facts do not only completely contradict their chauvinistic patriotism. They stand in the way of their political goals. To get them out of the way, the npd did not hesitate to abolish freedom of speech and freedom of research and teaching, and to patronize the judiciary.
In addition, it simply turns the facts around and declares itself and its supporters to be victims of restricted basic rights. It does not want to introduce, but to abolish the "replacement of the freedom of research and teaching by a state-imposed image of history, supervised by political justice, at the expense of germany. In addition, it wanted to end the "protection of power by restricting the freedom of speech and by monopolizing the spread of opinions in the interests of the ruling classes".
It is a bit like real satire when the npd has to introduce the very thing it claims to want to abolish. But otherwise it will hardly achieve its goal of a "national historical image". The npd wants to gag the historical research and make it subservient to its propaganda. One of the most alarming goals is that, more than 60 years after the end of the war, the npd wanted to force the allies to admit and legally prosecute their own war crimes. For its revanchism it acts as a posthumous advocate of the german victims of the world war.
Staging of the victim role
This is easy, because the dead cannot defend themselves. However, the npd does not stop at ideological ghouls, even if its members have expressly forbidden it. Thus, without further ado, they declared a youth who was stabbed to death in aachen by a youth with a migrant background out of jealousy to be a "comrade" and held a vigil. References to his multinational circle of friends, his lack of npd membership, and explicit requests from his parents did not stop the party, which likes to proclaim itself the higher moral authority, from appropriating the dead man for the "national revolution" and damaging his memory. Parents were insulted in the most popular internet forums. They were even blamed for the death of their son, because they had not brought up their son "nationally".
This does not fit with the victim role that the npd and its supporters like to take. Right-wing radicals upgrade themselves to politically persecuted and resistance heroes. This goes even so far that some of them put asylum applications abroad. The npd accommodates this inclination by demanding, for example, the "abolition of injustices committed against burgers of central germany" without saying what these injustices actually consist of.
Things are left undefined, so that everyone can find something for themselves in her program. This tactic also includes the fact that it always finds someone responsible for all actual or imagined problems in germany, but never one’s own voters. It blames the pollution on the heavy industry, but not on the drivers, among whom there could be voters. The "collectivist" school system, in turn, is responsible for juvenile delinquency, addictions and behavioral disorders. The parents are not even partly to blame – after all, they could be voters. Other scapegoats: eu, political parties and not close to certain interest groups and associations. It is always the others who are responsible, the victims are always the npd voters, and the npd offers itself to them as the executor of their revenge.
It is fitting that the npd wants to reintroduce the death penalty. The fact that this is in contradiction to constitutional principles, the basic law and eu agreements seems to be unknown or meaningless to the npd voter. Npd keeps complaining about alleged wrongful convictions against its own followers, but sees no danger of accidentally executing an innocent person. The judiciary in a constitutional state, however, admits its own fallibility and can therefore not impose irreversible punishments.
The npd is therefore anything but a democratic party that respects basic rights. But a right-wing extremist party should be less a problem of a democratic state than its electors. Because a party ban does not eliminate the ideology.